Writing Test 1

Complete the conversation between Veena and Aarti using the correct form of the phrasal verbs listed below. 
Veena : Hello Aarti. If It's ok with you, I'd like to start by talking about your early life - your childhood.
Aarti : My childhood?
Veena : Yes, I want __(46)__ to remember your childhood.
Aarti : So we're going back In time? Veena : Yes and on the journey we'll be meeting lots of phrasal verbs, so let's __(47)__! 
Veena : So, Aarti, where were you born?
Aarti : I was born in Pune.
Veena : And where did you live as a child? 
Aarti : Well... I __(48)__ in a town called Chennai which Is on the East Coast. 
Veena : So you spent your childhood there. And what kind of upbringing did you have? I mean, were your parents strict with you? Aarti : I guess my parents didn't really __(49)__ me too strictly. 
Veena : So your upbringing wasn't too strict? 
Aarti : Not overly so. I was always told to be polite and have respect and so on, but they tried to let me make my own mistakes. I think it was because they wanted me to be able to __(50)__
Veena : Ok, so moving on

Complete the conversation between Veena and Aarti using the correct form of the phrasal verbs listed below. 
Veena : Hello Aarti. If It's ok with you, I'd like to start by talking about your early life - your childhood.
Aarti : My childhood?
Veena : Yes, I want __(46)__ to remember your childhood.
Aarti : So we're going back In time? Veena : Yes and on the journey we'll be meeting lots of phrasal verbs, so let's __(47)__! 
Veena : So, Aarti, where were you born?
Aarti : I was born in Pune.
Veena : And where did you live as a child? 
Aarti : Well... I __(48)__ in a town called Chennai which Is on the East Coast. 
Veena : So you spent your childhood there. And what kind of upbringing did you have? I mean, were your parents strict with you? Aarti : I guess my parents didn't really __(49)__ me too strictly. 
Veena : So your upbringing wasn't too strict? 
Aarti : Not overly so. I was always told to be polite and have respect and so on, but they tried to let me make my own mistakes. I think it was because they wanted me to be able to __(50)__
Veena : Ok, so moving on

[passage-header]This passage is from Lydia Minatoya, The Strangeness of Beauty. 1999 by Lydia Minatoya. The setting is Japan in 1920. Chie and her daughter Naomi are members of the House of Fuji, a noble family.[/passage-header][passage-footer]Yoshi: a man who marries a woman of higher status and takes her family’s name.[/passage-footer]

This passage is adapted from Francis J. Flynn and Gabrielle
S. Adams, "Money Can't Buy Love: Asymmetric Beliefs about
Gift Price and Feelings of Appreciation." 2008 by Elsevier
Inc.
          Every day, millions of shoppers hit the stores in
          full force--both online and on foot--searching
          frantically for the perfect gift. Last year, Americans
Line      spent over $30 billion at retail stores in the month of
  5       December alone. Aside from purchasing holiday
          gifts, most people regularly buy presents for other
          occasions throughout the year, including weddings,
          birthdays, anniversaries, graduations, and baby
          showers. This frequent experience of gift-giving can
  10      engender ambivalent feelings in gift-givers. Many
          relish the opportunity to buy presents because
          gift-giving offers a powerful means to build stronger
          bonds with ones closest peers. At the same time,
          many dread the thought of buying gifts; they worry
  15      that their purchases will disappoint rather than
          delight the intended recipients.
          Anthropologists describe gift-giving as a positive
          social process, serving various political, religious, and
          psychological functions. Economists, however, offer
  20      a less favorable view. According to Waldfogel (1993),
          gift-giving represents an objective waste of resources.
          People buy gifts that recipients would not choose to
          buy on their own, or at least not spend as much
          money to purchase (a phenomenon referred to as
  25      "the deadweight loss of Christmas"). To wit, givers
          are likely to spend $100 to purchase a gift that
          receivers would spend only $80 to buy themselves.
          This "deadweight loss" suggests that gift-givers are
          not very good at predicting what gifts others will
  30      appreciate. That in itself is not surprising to social
          psychologists. Research has found that people often
          struggle to take account of others perspectives--
          their insights are subject to egocentrism, social
          projection, and multiple attribution errors.
  35      What is surprising is that gift-givers have
          considerable experience acting as both gift-givers and
          gift-recipients, but nevertheless tend to overspend
          each time they set out to purchase a meaningful gift.
          In the present research, we propose a unique
  40      psychological explanation for this overspending
          problem--i.e., that gift-givers equate how much they
          spend with how much recipients will appreciate the
          gift (the more expensive the gift, the stronger a
          gift-recipients feelings of appreciation). Although a
  45      link between gift price and feelings of appreciation
          might seem intuitive to gift-givers, such an
          assumption may be unfounded. Indeed, we propose
          that gift-recipients will be less inclined to base their
          feelings of appreciation on the magnitude of a gift
  50      than givers assume.
          Why do gift-givers assume that gift price is closely
          linked to gift-recipients feelings of appreciation?
          Perhaps givers believe that bigger (i.e., more
          expensive) gifts convey stronger signals of
  55      thoughtfulness and consideration. According to
          Camerer (1988) and others, gift-giving represents a
          symbolic ritual, whereby gift-givers attempt to signal
          their positive attitudes toward the intended recipient
          and their willingness to invest resources in a future
  60      relationship. In this sense, gift-givers may be
          motivated to spend more money on a gift in order to
          send a "stronger signal" to their intended recipient.
          As for gift-recipients, they may not construe smaller
          and larger gifts as representing smaller and larger
  65      signals of thoughtfulness and consideration.
          The notion of gift-givers and gift-recipients being
          unable to account for the other partys perspective
          seems puzzling because people slip in and out of
          these roles every day, and, in some cases, multiple
  70      times in the course of the same day. Yet, despite the
          extensive experience that people have as both givers
          and receivers, they often struggle to transfer
          information gained from one role (e.g., as a giver)
          and apply it in another, complementary role (e.g., as
  75      a receiver). In theoretical terms, people fail to utilize
          information about their own preferences and
          experiences in order to produce more efficient
          outcomes in their exchange relations. In practical
          terms, people spend hundreds of dollars each year on
  80      gifts, but somehow never learn to calibrate their gift
          expenditures according to personal insight.

[passage-header]This passage is from Lydia Minatoya, The Strangeness of Beauty. 1999 by Lydia Minatoya. The setting is Japan in 1920. Chie and her daughter Naomi are members of the House of Fuji, a noble family.[/passage-header][passage-footer]Yoshi: a man who marries a woman of higher status and takes her family’s name.[/passage-footer]

This passage is adapted from Francis J. Flynn and Gabrielle
S. Adams, "Money Can't Buy Love: Asymmetric Beliefs about
Gift Price and Feelings of Appreciation." 2008 by Elsevier
Inc.
          Every day, millions of shoppers hit the stores in
          full force--both online and on foot--searching
          frantically for the perfect gift. Last year, Americans
Line      spent over $30 billion at retail stores in the month of
  5       December alone. Aside from purchasing holiday
          gifts, most people regularly buy presents for other
          occasions throughout the year, including weddings,
          birthdays, anniversaries, graduations, and baby
          showers. This frequent experience of gift-giving can
  10      engender ambivalent feelings in gift-givers. Many
          relish the opportunity to buy presents because
          gift-giving offers a powerful means to build stronger
          bonds with ones closest peers. At the same time,
          many dread the thought of buying gifts; they worry
  15      that their purchases will disappoint rather than
          delight the intended recipients.
          Anthropologists describe gift-giving as a positive
          social process, serving various political, religious, and
          psychological functions. Economists, however, offer
  20      a less favorable view. According to Waldfogel (1993),
          gift-giving represents an objective waste of resources.
          People buy gifts that recipients would not choose to
          buy on their own, or at least not spend as much
          money to purchase (a phenomenon referred to as
  25      "the deadweight loss of Christmas"). To wit, givers
          are likely to spend $100 to purchase a gift that
          receivers would spend only $80 to buy themselves.
          This "deadweight loss" suggests that gift-givers are
          not very good at predicting what gifts others will
  30      appreciate. That in itself is not surprising to social
          psychologists. Research has found that people often
          struggle to take account of others perspectives--
          their insights are subject to egocentrism, social
          projection, and multiple attribution errors.
  35      What is surprising is that gift-givers have
          considerable experience acting as both gift-givers and
          gift-recipients, but nevertheless tend to overspend
          each time they set out to purchase a meaningful gift.
          In the present research, we propose a unique
  40      psychological explanation for this overspending
          problem--i.e., that gift-givers equate how much they
          spend with how much recipients will appreciate the
          gift (the more expensive the gift, the stronger a
          gift-recipients feelings of appreciation). Although a
  45      link between gift price and feelings of appreciation
          might seem intuitive to gift-givers, such an
          assumption may be unfounded. Indeed, we propose
          that gift-recipients will be less inclined to base their
          feelings of appreciation on the magnitude of a gift
  50      than givers assume.
          Why do gift-givers assume that gift price is closely
          linked to gift-recipients feelings of appreciation?
          Perhaps givers believe that bigger (i.e., more
          expensive) gifts convey stronger signals of
  55      thoughtfulness and consideration. According to
          Camerer (1988) and others, gift-giving represents a
          symbolic ritual, whereby gift-givers attempt to signal
          their positive attitudes toward the intended recipient
          and their willingness to invest resources in a future
  60      relationship. In this sense, gift-givers may be
          motivated to spend more money on a gift in order to
          send a "stronger signal" to their intended recipient.
          As for gift-recipients, they may not construe smaller
          and larger gifts as representing smaller and larger
  65      signals of thoughtfulness and consideration.
          The notion of gift-givers and gift-recipients being
          unable to account for the other partys perspective
          seems puzzling because people slip in and out of
          these roles every day, and, in some cases, multiple
  70      times in the course of the same day. Yet, despite the
          extensive experience that people have as both givers
          and receivers, they often struggle to transfer
          information gained from one role (e.g., as a giver)
          and apply it in another, complementary role (e.g., as
  75      a receiver). In theoretical terms, people fail to utilize
          information about their own preferences and
          experiences in order to produce more efficient
          outcomes in their exchange relations. In practical
          terms, people spend hundreds of dollars each year on
  80      gifts, but somehow never learn to calibrate their gift
          expenditures according to personal insight.

Complete the conversation between Veena and Aarti using the correct form of the phrasal verbs listed below. 
Veena : Hello Aarti. If It's ok with you, I'd like to start by talking about your early life - your childhood.
Aarti : My childhood?
Veena : Yes, I want __(46)__ to remember your childhood.
Aarti : So we're going back In time? Veena : Yes and on the journey we'll be meeting lots of phrasal verbs, so let's __(47)__! 
Veena : So, Aarti, where were you born?
Aarti : I was born in Pune.
Veena : And where did you live as a child? 
Aarti : Well... I __(48)__ in a town called Chennai which Is on the East Coast. 
Veena : So you spent your childhood there. And what kind of upbringing did you have? I mean, were your parents strict with you? Aarti : I guess my parents didn't really __(49)__ me too strictly. 
Veena : So your upbringing wasn't too strict? 
Aarti : Not overly so. I was always told to be polite and have respect and so on, but they tried to let me make my own mistakes. I think it was because they wanted me to be able to __(50)__
Veena : Ok, so moving on

Complete the conversation between Veena and Aarti using the correct form of the phrasal verbs listed below. 
Veena : Hello Aarti. If It's ok with you, I'd like to start by talking about your early life - your childhood.
Aarti : My childhood?
Veena : Yes, I want __(46)__ to remember your childhood.
Aarti : So we're going back In time? Veena : Yes and on the journey we'll be meeting lots of phrasal verbs, so let's __(47)__! 
Veena : So, Aarti, where were you born?
Aarti : I was born in Pune.
Veena : And where did you live as a child? 
Aarti : Well... I __(48)__ in a town called Chennai which Is on the East Coast. 
Veena : So you spent your childhood there. And what kind of upbringing did you have? I mean, were your parents strict with you? Aarti : I guess my parents didn't really __(49)__ me too strictly. 
Veena : So your upbringing wasn't too strict? 
Aarti : Not overly so. I was always told to be polite and have respect and so on, but they tried to let me make my own mistakes. I think it was because they wanted me to be able to __(50)__
Veena : Ok, so moving on

[passage-header]This passage is from Lydia Minatoya, The Strangeness of Beauty. 1999 by Lydia Minatoya. The setting is Japan in 1920. Chie and her daughter Naomi are members of the House of Fuji, a noble family.[/passage-header][passage-footer]Yoshi: a man who marries a woman of higher status and takes her family’s name.[/passage-footer]

This passage is adapted from Francis J. Flynn and Gabrielle
S. Adams, "Money Can't Buy Love: Asymmetric Beliefs about
Gift Price and Feelings of Appreciation." 2008 by Elsevier
Inc.
          Every day, millions of shoppers hit the stores in
          full force--both online and on foot--searching
          frantically for the perfect gift. Last year, Americans
Line      spent over $30 billion at retail stores in the month of
  5       December alone. Aside from purchasing holiday
          gifts, most people regularly buy presents for other
          occasions throughout the year, including weddings,
          birthdays, anniversaries, graduations, and baby
          showers. This frequent experience of gift-giving can
  10      engender ambivalent feelings in gift-givers. Many
          relish the opportunity to buy presents because
          gift-giving offers a powerful means to build stronger
          bonds with ones closest peers. At the same time,
          many dread the thought of buying gifts; they worry
  15      that their purchases will disappoint rather than
          delight the intended recipients.
          Anthropologists describe gift-giving as a positive
          social process, serving various political, religious, and
          psychological functions. Economists, however, offer
  20      a less favorable view. According to Waldfogel (1993),
          gift-giving represents an objective waste of resources.
          People buy gifts that recipients would not choose to
          buy on their own, or at least not spend as much
          money to purchase (a phenomenon referred to as
  25      "the deadweight loss of Christmas"). To wit, givers
          are likely to spend $100 to purchase a gift that
          receivers would spend only $80 to buy themselves.
          This "deadweight loss" suggests that gift-givers are
          not very good at predicting what gifts others will
  30      appreciate. That in itself is not surprising to social
          psychologists. Research has found that people often
          struggle to take account of others perspectives--
          their insights are subject to egocentrism, social
          projection, and multiple attribution errors.
  35      What is surprising is that gift-givers have
          considerable experience acting as both gift-givers and
          gift-recipients, but nevertheless tend to overspend
          each time they set out to purchase a meaningful gift.
          In the present research, we propose a unique
  40      psychological explanation for this overspending
          problem--i.e., that gift-givers equate how much they
          spend with how much recipients will appreciate the
          gift (the more expensive the gift, the stronger a
          gift-recipients feelings of appreciation). Although a
  45      link between gift price and feelings of appreciation
          might seem intuitive to gift-givers, such an
          assumption may be unfounded. Indeed, we propose
          that gift-recipients will be less inclined to base their
          feelings of appreciation on the magnitude of a gift
  50      than givers assume.
          Why do gift-givers assume that gift price is closely
          linked to gift-recipients feelings of appreciation?
          Perhaps givers believe that bigger (i.e., more
          expensive) gifts convey stronger signals of
  55      thoughtfulness and consideration. According to
          Camerer (1988) and others, gift-giving represents a
          symbolic ritual, whereby gift-givers attempt to signal
          their positive attitudes toward the intended recipient
          and their willingness to invest resources in a future
  60      relationship. In this sense, gift-givers may be
          motivated to spend more money on a gift in order to
          send a "stronger signal" to their intended recipient.
          As for gift-recipients, they may not construe smaller
          and larger gifts as representing smaller and larger
  65      signals of thoughtfulness and consideration.
          The notion of gift-givers and gift-recipients being
          unable to account for the other partys perspective
          seems puzzling because people slip in and out of
          these roles every day, and, in some cases, multiple
  70      times in the course of the same day. Yet, despite the
          extensive experience that people have as both givers
          and receivers, they often struggle to transfer
          information gained from one role (e.g., as a giver)
          and apply it in another, complementary role (e.g., as
  75      a receiver). In theoretical terms, people fail to utilize
          information about their own preferences and
          experiences in order to produce more efficient
          outcomes in their exchange relations. In practical
          terms, people spend hundreds of dollars each year on
  80      gifts, but somehow never learn to calibrate their gift
          expenditures according to personal insight.